Since 5 August 2019, Jammu and Kashmir has undergone profound legal integration, ending specific gender-discriminatory residency rules that disadvantaged women who married outside the permanent resident framework and extending national protective and affirmative measures. Education has moved toward greater regularity, NEP-aligned reforms, infrastructure upgrades, and expanded opportunities, even as quality and equity challenges endure. Parallel shifts include reduced overall violence metrics, tourism and investment surges (interrupted by events such as Pahalgam), major connectivity projects, and the revival of elected governance. These changes have delivered tangible gains in equality, access, and developmental indicators for many residents, particularly women and students, while debates over autonomy, residual security risks, economic disparities, and the pace of political empowerment continue. The trajectory reflects both structural reform and the complexities of a region with a long history of conflict; sustained progress will depend on security consolidation, inclusive growth, effective local governance, and addressing remaining social and economic barriers.
These changes in the last seven years stem from the revocation of the region’s special constitutional status, the application of central Indian laws, the bifurcation into the Union Territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, and subsequent administrative and developmental measures. The Supreme Court upheld the abrogation in 2023. Outcomes include legal equality gains, improved infrastructure and policy alignment in education, reduced violence metrics in many periods, tourism and investment growth (with setbacks), and the restoration of an elected government, while challenges such as residual security threats, economic pressures, and debates over autonomy persist.
Before 2019, Article 370 and the related Article 35A allowed the state to define permanent residents and confer special privileges, including exclusive rights to property, jobs, and scholarships. This created asymmetries. Central laws did not fully apply, and the region operated under its own constitution and Ranbir Penal Code in key areas. Post-abrogation, the Indian Constitution applies fully, numerous central laws were extended, and domicile rules were revised. Non-residents gained limited eligibility for certain jobs and property under new regulations, while long-pending communities such as West Pakistani refugees and others received clearer pathways to rights.
One of the most cited shifts concerns women’s legal positions regarding residency and property. Under the pre-2019 permanent resident regime, a woman from Jammu and Kashmir who married a non-permanent resident risked losing her permanent resident status, along with associated rights to inherit or hold property, access certain government jobs, and related benefits. Men faced no equivalent restriction; a non-resident woman marrying a permanent resident man could acquire rights. This created a clear gender disparity.
With the end of Article 35A, that specific discriminatory architecture ended. Women retain rights irrespective of their spouse’s origin. Central statutes such as the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act (2005) and the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (2006) became fully applicable, closing previous regulatory gaps. Political measures advanced inclusion: 33% reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (via schemes aligned with national standards) and the broader framework of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam facilitated greater representation. Women participated actively in District Development Council elections and local bodies, with reports of increased voter turnout among females in some areas and more women contesting or winning seats. Entrepreneurship has grown, with women-led startups registered under local policies spanning tourism, handicrafts, and services; skill training, helplines, One Stop Centres, and schemes such as Mission Shakti have expanded support.
Improved security metrics in many years—lower civilian fatalities and greater mobility—have aided women’s public participation. However, personal laws (Hindu Succession Act for Hindus; Muslim personal law for Muslims) governing inheritance shares remained largely unchanged in their core rules; customary practices and social attitudes continue to constrain practical realisation of rights for many women. Critiques from some observers highlight ongoing vulnerabilities linked to conflict history, patriarchal norms, and concerns over militarisation or political rhetoric. Gains are real in the formal legal sphere and opportunities, yet full social and economic empowerment remains incomplete and uneven.
Education has seen structural and operational changes. Schools function for significantly more days annually (reports indicate a rise from roughly 128–150 days pre-2019, disrupted by unrest, to over 210 days in subsequent years). Infrastructure expanded: more civil works under state and central schemes (Samagra Shiksha and others) were completed post-2019 compared with earlier periods. Digital initiatives advanced, with approvals for substantial numbers of ICT labs and smart classrooms. Teacher and lecturer recruitment addressed long-pending vacancies.
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has been implemented across schools and higher education institutions. This includes the 5+3+3+4 structure, foundational literacy and numeracy under NIPUN Bharat, early childhood care and education, mother-tongue/local language instruction in early grades, multidisciplinary undergraduate programmes, skill-oriented courses, and alignment with national standards (NCERT curriculum elements, assessment reforms). Universities such as the University of Jammu have adopted NEP statutes for four-year undergraduate and revised postgraduate programmes. New or upgraded institutions (including IIT Jammu and medical facilities) and private university frameworks aim to expand access. Enrolment in government schools showed reported increases in some periods, with strong gender inclusion metrics and high overall schooling access (over 98% in recent official claims). Vocational education and pre-primary expansion reached substantial numbers of students.
Challenges remain. The Ministry of Education has flagged declining enrolment shares in government schools relative to private ones, poor secondary retention, low-enrolment schools, and teacher shortages in certain categories, directing structural reforms and vacancy filling. Quality, equity in remote areas, and sustained learning outcomes require ongoing attention. Overall, the sector shifted from frequent disruption toward greater regularity, national policy alignment, and infrastructure investment.
Security indicators improved markedly in aggregate terms. Official data show sharp declines in terror incidents (reports of roughly 70–75% drops in certain comparative periods), stone-pelting (around 90% reduction), and local recruitment into militant ranks (from higher dozens or hundreds annually earlier to very low single or double digits in recent years). Civilian and security force casualties fell substantially compared with the peak pre-2019 years, though fluctuations occurred and residual threats persist. The April 2025 Pahalgam attack, which killed 26 people (mostly tourists), was a major setback that temporarily disrupted normalcy narratives and tourism.
Tourism grew dramatically after 2019—from low figures in the early post-abrogation years to peaks exceeding 2 crore visitors to the UT in some years (including pilgrimage)—driven by improved security perceptions and infrastructure, before the 2025 attack caused a sharp drop (to around 1.78 crore or lower Valley-specific numbers). Recovery has been gradual. Investments, industrial schemes, horticulture, handicrafts, and connectivity projects (including the Udhampur–Srinagar–Baramulla rail link with the Chenab bridge) advanced. GSDP growth projections and project pipelines in the tens of thousands of crores reflect a developmental push, though unemployment (especially youth) and fiscal pressures remain concerns.
Politically, after years of central rule, assembly elections were held in 2024 with turnout around 63–64%. The National Conference emerged as the single largest party (42 seats), forming a government in alliance with Congress; Omar Abdullah became Chief Minister. The BJP performed strongly in Jammu. The elected government has limited powers in a UT framework and continues to press for restoration of statehood, which the Centre has indicated remains under consideration at an appropriate time. High participation marked a return to mainstream electoral politics.
Yet, there are miles to go. Terrorists opened fire on two non-local migrant labourers (both from Chhattisgarh) working at a brick kiln in the Kilam/Kellam/Hablishi area (roughly 16 km from Kulgam town). This is the first fatal attack specifically targeting seasonal migrant workers in J&K since October 2024. The Resistance Front (TRF)—widely viewed by Indian authorities as a proxy of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT)—claimed responsibility via social media posts, which police are investigating. This followed an earlier incident on 22 July 2026 in Anantnag, where Head Constable Ashiq Hussain (or Aashiq Hussain Qureshi) of the India Reserve Police, deployed on Amarnath Yatra security duty, was shot dead near Lal Chowk. That attack also drew a TRF claim and triggered large-scale detentions and searches.
Until Pak-sponsored terrorism is totally contained, the successes of the abrogation will continue to be set back.
