A Boon in Disguise for the Eastern Maritime Corridor?

by Subhadeep Bhattacharya

The most significant vulnerability of the West Asia war was not the tenacity of a weaker power encountering a superpower’s military onslaught but the vulnerability of the economic choke points of the region to geopolitical tussles. As the Asian economy suffered significant energy shocks with the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz halting energy supply, the hunt for alternative trade routes is featuring more in deliberations of major Asian energy importers like India. Thus, the Eastern Maritime Corridor, an Indo-Pacific seaborne trade route between southern India and Russia’s Far East connecting Chennai port with Russia’s Vladivostok port, features both as an economic and strategic priority for India. This visionary maritime commercial mission not only diversifies India’s trading channels, avoiding risky routes and reducing transit time significantly, but also boosts its strategic presence in the Indo-Pacific maritime zone, navigating through troubled South and East China Sea.

India activated the Eastern Maritime Corridor (EMC) or Vladivostok-Chennai shipping route in 2024 amidst the Hamas-Israel war in the Red Sea zone, with Yemen’s Houthi rebels targeting international commercial shipping in the Red Sea with drones and missiles in support of Hamas. As the West Asian sea route faces similar transportation hazards today following the US-Israel war on Iran resulting in the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz by Iran, EMC is viewed as an alternative for India. The closure of the Hormuz Strait played havoc on Indian energy imports with far-reaching effects on its economy. This contingency situation has indeed pushed deliberations for rerouting of shipments via the EMC, which also reduces transit time by roughly 24 days compared to 40+ days via Suez Canal routes, as well as opening a direct eastern route to Russian energy and mineral resources.  It also reduces 35 per cent in time and 40 per cent in distance fundamentally altering the unit of economics of essential commodities in the context of the tremendous economic pressure experienced during the Houthi rebels’ attacks along Red Sea route decreasing container shipping in the region by 90 per cent between December 2023 and February 2024 while rerouting via Cape of Good Hope adding extra 11,000 nautical miles with a bill of $1,000,000 in additional fuel charge per voyage. With India’s growing reliance on coking coal and crude oil for its steel and energy sectors requiring unhindered Russian supply, the EMC is considered a viable, stable, and cost-efficient alternative maritime route.

The EMC is also an inspiration to boost India’s pursuit of a robust port infrastructure. In the 21st century, ports have emerged as fundamental drivers of economic development, promoting trade integration and regional growth in Asia as the century witnesses a profound shift of global maritime commercial activities from the Atlantic to the Indo-Pacific. Chinese ports dominate global commercial ports, ranking among the top container ports, including Shanghai, Shenzhen, Qingdao, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong. India had similarly come up with the grand Sagarmala project in 2015 to promote port-led economic development, augmenting logistics efficiency, reducing transportation costs, and supporting trade by modernizing and building ports and improving port connectivity. Such initiatives are significant in the context of India’s growing footprint in the larger global maritime commercial map. While EMC ensures steady and quick flow of vital raw materials to India from Russia, the Sagarmala project ensures that the distribution of these supplies from ports to the rest of the country takes place in highly efficient and cost-effective manner.

Apart from an economic perspective, EMC bears strategic connotations as well. India’s pursuit of robust port infrastructure carries a strategic imperative to counterbalance China’s expanding influence. India’s role in fostering regional maritime cooperation and connectivity through the BIMSTEC Port Conclave, acquiring access to Myanmar’s Sittwe Port and pushing the Kaladan Multimodal Transport Project, and unlocking huge economic potential around the Bay of Bengal region of South and Southeast Asia are all part of a larger Indian project promoting its bigger maritime commercial role in the Indo-Pacific region. This assumption is substantiated by India’s interest in developing Indonesia’s Sabang port, paving the way for India’s access to the Malacca Strait, while developing military infrastructure in the adjacent Andaman and Nicobar Islands as a forward operation base. If this internal preparation is juxtaposed with various defense and strategic deals India has entered with many East Asian and Pacific countries like Vietnam, Japan, the Philippines, Singapore, and Australia, it gives a comprehensive look at the Indian objective of securing its growing commercial routes like EMC passing through the Pacific maritime zone with Chinese shadow hovering over it. The Indian Navy’s growing participation in the Pacific maritime security exercises with fellow East Asian/Pacific countries boosts its security objective in the region.  As the future of promising connectivity projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor and India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor is doomed by the West Asia conflicts, the EMC shines as the silver lining. The project also fits in with India’s Act East Policy to integrate further with the larger Pacific region to counter Chinese dominance.

Another important aspect of the EMC is that it facilitates India’s access to the Arctic zone. China already made headlines when its cargo ship Istanbul Bridge reached the British port of Felixstowe on October 13, 2025, via the Arctic Ocean in just 20 days. The Arctic belt, rich in natural resources including rare earth materials, is fast becoming the latest zone of geopolitical and eco-economic competition. Russia unveiled a new plan in 2025 to enhance Arctic connectivity with the Trans Arctic Transport Corridor (TATC), connecting Russian ports from St. Petersburg to Vladivostok with the Northern Sea Route (NSR), a shorter maritime route between Asian and European ports via the Arctic, as pivotal to TATC. India and Russia had resolved to explore both NSR and EMC. As the door of Europe remains shut for Russia over the Ukraine war and the Russian economy is craving a durable alternative solution, the development of both the TATC along with NSR and the EMC can be a lucrative investment for both India and Russia, apart from positioning India strategically on a firm footing in the Arctic battlefield vis-à-vis China.

  • Subhadeep Bhattacharya

    Subhadeep Bhattacharya is a freelance academic with degrees in foreign policy studies and area (South & Southeast Asia) studies from University of Calcutta. He is associated as Adjunct Researcher at the Asia in Global Affairs (AGA), Kolkata. Previously he was associated as Fellow with Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies (MAKAIAS, autonomous institute under Govt of India), Kolkata and as Research Assistant with Netaji Institute for Asian Studies (NIAS, under Govt of West Bengal), Kolkata. He has authored two books- Looking East since 1947: India’s Southeast Asia Policy and Understanding South China Sea Geopolitics and co-authored Indo-Vietnam Relations in Emerging Global Order and Then and Now: India’s Relations with Indonesia, A Historical Overview. He has also contributed in many edited volumes, national and international journals and web article pages.

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