U.S. President Donald Trump told reporters last week that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had assured him India would stop buying Russian oil. The statement quickly became the latest flashpoint in an already tense energy-diplomatic triangle between Washington, New Delhi, and Moscow. The White House suggested India’s halt would be gradual; however, India’s officials had not confirmed any such conversation or commitment.
Our response to media queries on comments on India’s energy sourcing⬇️
— Randhir Jaiswal (@MEAIndia) October 16, 2025
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A Rebound, Not a Retreat
The ground reality, as tracked by independent shipping analytics firms and port data, tells a more complicated story. India’s purchases of Russian crude rebounded after a short dip in July–September to roughly 1.8 million barrels per day in October 2025. Short-term declines in imports have come from corporate and logistical caution as firms try to shield themselves from the expanding reach of U.S. secondary sanctions and compliance risks.
For example, in September 2025, Adani Group’s port unit issued an instruction banning vessels that are sanctioned by the U.S., U.K., or EU from calling at any of its 14 ports, including the deep-water Mundra terminal that handles large crude tankers serving western India refiners. The media reported the ban and documented how at least one sanctioned vessel — the Noble Walker — reversed course to another port after being denied access to Mundra. Commodity-flow trackers such as Vortexa reported that Mundra handled a substantial portion of Russian crude arriving in India in the trailing 12-month window. Vortexa’s estimates put Mundra’s Russian inflows in the order of 180,000 barrels per day of Russia-origin crude. A figure that translates into roughly 12% of India’s Russian imports, depending on the total-country baseline used.
Corporate Compliance or Geopolitical Choke Point?
Behind Adani’s sudden caution lies growing pressure from U.S. regulators and prosecutors. Over the past year, American authorities have opened corruption- and bribery-related inquiries involving Adani Group entities under statutes such as the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) and the Securities Exchange Act, which allow Washington to pursue overseas conduct if it touches U.S. financial markets or investors. Subpoenas have been served to Adani-linked executives through American courts, and filings in U.S. jurisdictions have referenced ongoing investigations into the conglomerate’s overseas transactions.
For a company that operates a critical segment of India’s energy infrastructure — ports, storage terminals, and gas distribution networks — such exposure creates leverage. Even without formal sanctions, the prospect of U.S. legal action compels stricter self-regulation. The September ban on sanctioned tankers was officially described as a compliance measure, but it also demonstrated how U.S. legal power can influence Indian corporate decisions far from American shores.
A delicate balance
India’s policymakers continue to emphasize that crude imports are guided by national interest, not geopolitical alignment. Russian oil, often priced below global benchmarks, has become an essential component of India’s energy security strategy. Russian grades now cover up to 30% of India’s total crude basket.
At the same time, Washington’s growing use of extraterritorial economic measures like sanctions, compliance blacklists, and judicial inquiries is reshaping how Indian companies operate in strategic sectors. Energy-sector firms are increasingly compelled to pre-empt American actions, effectively internalizing U.S. restrictions even when New Delhi has not adopted them.
The rebound in Russian oil purchases and Washington’s pressure on Adani all underscore one fact: India and the United States remain uneasy partners in energy geopolitics.
Tensions persist as Washington continues to apply pressure through the treatment of Indian companies in critical sectors, using sanctions as instruments of influence. For New Delhi, maintaining access to affordable Russian crude while defending the autonomy of its national champions has become both an economic and diplomatic test that will define the next phase of India’s strategic independence.
