For decades, India’s response to cross-border provocation was a predictable cycle of dossiers, diplomatic protests, and appeals to a distracted international community. However, as of early 2026, that era of strategic hesitation is not merely over; it has been systematically dismantled. Recent events, from the neutralisation of a top Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) commander in the rugged heights of Kishtwar to the dismantling of an ISI-backed sleeper cell infiltrating the industrial heartlands of Tamil Nadu, are not isolated police actions. They are the kinetic manifestations of a new, institutionalised counter-terrorism doctrine: PRAHAAR.
Kishtwar breakthrough
On 22 February 2026, the culmination of the 36-day-long Operation Trashi-I in the dense, inhospitable forests of Chatroo, Kishtwar, provided a masterclass in India’s evolved military capabilities. The elimination of Saifullah, a high-ranking JeM commander, alongside two foreign mercenaries, signifies a critical geographical shift. For years, the ‘Chenab Valley corridor’ was exploited by proxies to rejuvenate militancy outside the traditional theatres of the Kashmir Valley.
India’s response in 2026 is no longer reactive; it is anticipatory. Under the ‘Intelligence-Guided’ pillar of the PRAHAAR policy, security forces utilised real-time drone surveillance and specialised K9 units, notably the canine hero ‘Tyson’, to flush out terrorists from ‘unreachable’ mountain hideouts. The message radiating from Kishtwar is unambiguous: no terrain within the Republic offers sanctuary to those who carry the scent of Rawalpindi. By taking the fight to the most difficult corners of Jammu and Kashmir, India has demonstrated that the cost of maintaining a proxy presence has become prohibitively high.
Tiruppur nexus
While the guns fell silent in Kishtwar, a more insidious threat was being neutralised three thousand kilometres to the south. The arrest of eight operatives, primarily Bangladeshi nationals, from the garment hubs of Tiruppur, Tamil Nadu, and hideouts in West Bengal, has exposed a dangerous new frontier in the ISI’s hybrid war.
This module, directed by a handler based in Bangladesh, attempted to use India’s economic heartlands as camouflage. By utilising forged identity documents and infiltrating labour-intensive industries, the adversary sought to move the conflict into the streets of Delhi and the south of India through planned IED attacks on high-footfall sites, including the Red Fort.
India’s success here lies in the seamless integration of the Multi-Agency Centre (MAC) and the Joint Task Force on Intelligence (JTFI). By connecting the dots between a propaganda poster at a Delhi Metro station and a factory worker in Tamil Nadu within a matter of days, India has demonstrated a whole-of-government surveillance grid that renders the old sleeper cell model obsolete. This capability reflects a domestic resilience that refuses to allow internal economic migration to be weaponised by external actors.
PRAHAAR and the evolution of international law
A pivotal shift in the 2026 narrative is how India now frames its counter-terrorism operations within the ambit of international law. The PRAHAAR policy introduces a sophisticated legal interpretation of ‘Unwilling or Unable’ states.
India’s current stance posits that when a neighbouring state is either unwilling or unable to prevent its territory from being used as a launchpad for terror, the victim state possesses an inherent right to pre-emptive self-defence. This is not an abandonment of international norms, but a modern refinement of them. By invoking Article 51 of the UN Charter in a more proactive sense, India is asserting that ‘strategic restraint’ was never a legal obligation, but a choice, one that has now been rescinded in favour of ‘strategic realism’.
Furthermore, the PRAHAAR doctrine legalises the targeting of the ‘terror ecosystem.’ This includes the financial pipelines and digital facilitators located across borders. By treating terrorism as a ‘continuing offence,’ India justifies its kinetic and cyber interventions as necessary measures to uphold the global ‘responsibility to protect.’ This legal fortification ensures that India’s actions are not seen as mere brinkmanship but as a disciplined exercise of sovereign rights to ensure regional stability. This is India’s first unified national counter-terrorism policy and strategy. It shifts from reactive, fragmented responses to a structured approach based on seven pillars:
• Proactive Prevention: The strategy shifted focus from investigating terrorist acts post-event to pre-emptively disrupting their operational and logistical networks.
• Swift and Proportionate Response: The threshold for kinetic engagement has been lowered, ensuring that India’s conventional military responses are not limited by the threat of escalation.
• Capacity Building: Anti-terror mechanisms are now standardised across all states, effectively eliminating the ‘jurisdictional gaps’ that terrorist organisations previously exploited.
• The Rule of Law: High-impact counter-terrorism operations are fully supported by robust legal processes, evidenced by national investigative agencies achieving conviction rates now exceeding 95%.
• Targeting the Ecosystem: Aggressive measures are taken against the financial sponsors and ‘over-ground workers’ (OGWs) who are crucial to sustaining terrorist operations.
• Countering Drone and Cyber Threats: Critical infrastructure is safeguarded through the deployment of AI-driven signals intelligence and advanced robotics to counter both drone and cyber threats.
• International Isolation: India enforces an absolute ‘no-distinction’ policy between active terrorists and their state sponsors, compelling the international community to choose its allegiance between a rapidly ascending economy and states enabling terrorism.
Peace through strength
In the past two months alone, India has achieved what many observers once deemed impossible: the near-total strangulation of the proxy terror supply chain. From the precision strikes against JeM leadership in the northern crags of Kishtwar to the sophisticated intelligence-led dismantling of southern sleeper cells, the results are empirical and undeniable. New Delhi has successfully de-hyphenated its destiny from its neighbour’s decline. While Islamabad grapples with economic insolvency and internal fractiousness, India has made it clear that ‘Terror and Talks’ are not just suspended, they are fundamentally incompatible. This domestic resolve is now the cornerstone of India’s global posturing. India is no longer approaching the high table as a victim seeking sympathy; it arrives as a ‘Security Provider’ armed with the PRAHAAR doctrine as a blueprint for regional stability.
In New York, India’s forward-looking agenda will prioritise the comprehensive convention on international terrorism (CCIT), forcing a global consensus that ends the era of ‘good and bad’ terrorists. As the Shahpur Kandi Dam begins to regulate the flow of the Ravi River and our specialised units systematically dismantle the remnants of proxy groups, the world is witnessing a rising power that prioritises its citizens’ security over outdated diplomatic niceties. For the sponsors of terror, the window for a ‘negotiated peace’ has been firmly shut by the realities of Indian power. For the Republic, the era of being a soft target is officially and irrevocably over.
